First, my apologies for not blogging for three months, for I had academic writing pursuits to take care of, which will become available for public viewing in 2010.
There has been plenty of bluster over the recent health care debate (if we can call it that). The cleanup hitters at MSNBC, Keith Olbermann and Rachel Maddow have referred to the anti-health reform movement as “astroturf.” Whatever the truth may be about their authenticity, many of these participants are probably capable of expressing their angst without any assistance from insurance companies. For starters, this is only the most recent proof that fear still works, especially along racial lines. The racial over and undertones of these protests at town hall meetings are not just operating out of a vacuum, but out of a white supremacist activist tradition. One picture says a thousand words: “Obama’s Plan: White Slavery.” This begs the question: how did a segment of the population seemingly so ignorant become and remain so influential?
During the early nineteenth century, Alexis de Tocqueville warned of the “tyranny of the majority” (2003, 300-301) What did this really mean? Once the franchise was extended to poor whites, the US in essence became a “racial democracy.” This new democratic experiment was not one that would function as a class-based democracy, or where the disparity between those on top would share with those on bottom. Rather, it was democracy based on white supremacy, where rich whites and poor whites would come together and share privileges along racial lines. Since the nineteenth century, poor whites (real and fake) have been more influential in the nation’s political discourse than many people care to admit. They were not only influential at the polls, but as judges, juries, and executioners, and not just in the south. The Democratic Party, from its inception to 1968, was a coalition of big-city reformers and southern planters. Contemporary race scholars refer to this as a herrenvolk system, or “people’s entitlement.”
W.E.B. DuBois summed up very well poor whites in the nineteenth century (1962). Their identification with the powers that be continues to this day, only now they feel that power slipping away. Rich or poor, the one thing the could always count on was their white privilege. This meant getting the benefit of the doubt over people of color and a sense of entitlement. It’s no wonder that they bring nooses to these town hall meetings, for its a symbol that they’re familiar with. It doesn’t take much for them to connect the following dots as a threat to their way of life: a black man in charge wanting to change anything. Sure, fear works, and by root and extension, so does misinformation. But do many of these disruptors at the town hall meetings actually believe that Obama is Hitler as they claim? Do they really believe that the government has a plot to kill granny? Are they just among the 40 million listeners blindly following Rush Limbaugh? Regardless, any social program the government proposes to pay for will be met with protests from “angry” white men and women, save for wars against darker peoples. Any new or existing social program will be seen as going to nonwhites who don’t deserve it at the expense of whites, and the recent government option proposal is only the latest. Is the threat to euthanize granny even necessary to get many of these protesters riled up? Symbolically, that becomes another example of a black man threatening a white woman (one whose best days are behind?).
So how did we get to this point of inadequate health care and a racially-motivated movement against it? For the same reason that reform movements forgot something since the New Deal. The New Deal could only be so inclusive. Northern reformers/big city Democrats didn’t have to contend with the Republicans (the party of Hoover) as much as they had to deal with the obstructionist wing of their own party: the “Dixiecrats” (and now the “Blue Dogs”). Relief for unemployed workers? Compromised to exclude rural workers in order to prevent black southerners from collecting, forcing many back into sharecropping and attempting to dissuade strikes. The Home Owners Loan Corporation to prevent foreclosures? The Dixiecrats only agreed once a neighborhood ratings system based on racial lines was in place (Roediger 2006: 227). The expansion of state university systems after World War II? Only so long as the new campuses were in suburbs and white rural areas.
In other words, the real beneficiaries of the New Deal were white. And while many of these white protesters today don’t want socialized medicine, two demographic groups are beneficiaries of it: veterans and seniors.
So when the civil rights struggles of the 1950s and 60s forced the New Deal to be more racially inclusive, by 1968 the New Deal coalition fell apart, and the Southern Strategy was born. While many pundits declared the “Southern Strategy” dead after the 2008 presidential election, in many ways it is still alive and well. As long as the Democrats acquiesce to the hate-mongers at the town halls on health care and future issues, as Obama is about to, they still hold sway in policy-making, even if they no longer hold the vote (but significant votes, nonetheless).
Given this history, why should we be surprised about the death threats at town hall meetings by angry whites who imagine the loss of their privileges? Whether grassroots or astroturf, it won’t matter if they’re not contested in equal or greater numbers, though I don’t advocate bringing guns to these forums as some of these anti-health protestors have. Unless they are contested just by our mere presence and experiences with the health care racket, you can expect the Democrats to cower to them, as Obama is about to do as he drops the public option from the legislation. Then again, he’d have been better off arguing for a single-payer system, and when forced to compromise, be more likely to have a government option.
Addendum: There is a petition you can sign: http://act.credoaction.com/campaign/publicoption_bo/?rc=fb.connect
Tell President Obama and Congress that we need them to stick with the public option. If we can’t get to the town halls to confront the hate-mongers in equal or greater numbers, we can at least out-petition them without risking our safety.
Works cited
de Tocqueville, Aleixis. 2003. Democracy in America: And Two Essays on America. New York: Penguin, 2003.
Du Bois, W.E.B. 1962. Black Reconstruction in America, 1860-1880. New York: Russell and Russell.
Roediger, David. 2006. Working Toward Whiteness: How America’s Immigrants Became White: The Strange Journey from Ellis Island to the Suburbs. New York: Basic Books.